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Cuba declassifies Bay of Pigs invasion
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IN the first major declassification by President Fidel Castro's government, Cuba published on Friday a wad of intelligence papers on the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, most centring on Castro's commanding role.
While the 158 pages of previously top secret reports contain no dramatic revelations, they demonstrate how aware Cuba was of CIA-backed covert training of Cuban American exiles in Florida and Central America prior to the disastrous landing.
A collection of orders, questions and comments by Castro in the heat of battle show him confident of victory from early on, barking commands in colloquial and colourful language, and eagerly rallying his soldiers against the 1,500 exile invaders.
``Get back to Playa Giron and sink all the boats there!'' the then 34-year-old Castro says in one of his early orders as the invasion began in the early hours on Cuba's southern coast.
Visiting the front briefly, but mainly staying back at a nearby sugar mill turned into a command centre, Castro secured victory in just 72 hours in what was an embarrassing debacle for then US President John F Kennedy.
While the Kennedy administration and the CIA backed and financed the invasion plan in advance, they crucially did not provide air backup during the landing, a factor which still rankles with many Cuban Americans today.
Redressing history
Havana feels, however, that history has concentrated too much on the US failure, rather than analyzing Cuba's surprising preparedness and military strength, so the declassified papers were aimed in part at redressing that.
The first 37 pages of intelligence reports show detailed Cuban awareness of training camps full of ``mercenaries'' and ''worms'' intent on bringing down Castro, who took power in a 1959 revolution.
But the second wad of 121 pages are more gripping in their personal portrait of Castro.
While critics may counter that the declassification is an ego trip for Castro, they amply demonstrate his attention to detail, knowledge of military minutiae, concern for troop morale, and eye for international public opinion.
``How's everyone's morale? Fine! Perfect!'' he is asking early on the first morning in what are presumably telephone or radio communications. ``Resist valiantly over there, comrades! Very good! Fatherland or Death!'' he adds in another part.
A born leader
At one point, Castro's anger mingles with his sense of humour when he upbraids a commander for not chasing the invaders in tanks. ``You're not pursuing the enemy? Bloody hell, it seems you have a non-aggression pact with the mercenaries!''
Sensing victory, Castro goes for the kill: ``There are symptoms that they are withdrawing demoralized, psychologically it's the moment to get after them ... no truce.''
By the second day, with his keen sense for publicity, Castro is already planning a TV appearance alongside 40 captured prisoners, and gives orders for state news agency Prensa Latina to publicize Cuba's triumphs to the world.
During the battle, Castro's forces took more than 1,000 prisoners, killed at least 120 invaders and lost more than 150 of their own men.
US delegates at this week's academic conference in Havana, ''Giron: Forty Years After'', said they were delighted Cuba had finally released intelligence reports on what was one of the most controversial episodes of the Cold War.
They included documents on well-known CIA plans to assassinate Castro, and various assessments of the Cuban leader that both flattered and insulted.
``It would be a serious mistake to underestimate this man ... he is clearly a strong personality and a born leader of great personal courage and conviction,'' read a confidential State Department memorandum to the US president after a 1959 Castro visit to the United States.
``He was convinced that Castro was not only a bad man but had a streak of lunacy in his make-up ... like a Cuban Hitler,'' read a CIA assessment from the same year.
(SD-Agencies)
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